Ife-Benin: two kingdoms, one cultureConsiderng the central place it occupies in the article here
OODUA REPUBLIC!!! U ARE WELCOME
Nigeria is a political and economic bondage for the Yorubas. A nation that aspires to be great can not afford to leave its destiny in the hands of others to determine or toy with. The emergence of Oodua republic is the only feasible way to guarantee our full political, economic, military and cultural interests without any compromise. We need to free ourselves of the shackles called Nigeria today. Tomorrow may be too late! READ FULL ARTICLE HERE
The Holy Spirit in the church
The Holy Spirit in the church
New outpouring,new anointing which are not necessarily accompanied by any visible evidence, or even strong emotion; but one that renews the inner strength and gives deeper inner joy.“Let’s share from Duewel again: “The Holy Spirit is a holy person, not a holy emotion. Yet as this holy person works within us He imparts His holy power, His divine adequacy, to us in such a way that we feel new inner strength, new enablement above our own resources, a sense of special spiritual authority and faith and we recognize a new effectiveness which we must credit entirely to the Spirit, not to ourselves”. (Wesley L. Duewel in Ablaze for God).This is the kind of experience of repeated empowering of the early apostles such that they powerfully delivered the heavenly vision and were used to heal, deliver and release the captive of the devil.The book of Acts is awash with the constant work of the Holy Spirit in the apostolic ministries. Acts 2:4; 4:31; 6:10; 7:55; 9:17; 11:15; 13:9; 13:52 and 19:6; among others, told stories of how the apostles and brethren of old were filled with the Holy Spirit before they could accomplish their commission.We too must experience the Holy Ghost revival. This is far beyond mere clapping, raising of hands in praises or jumping and all those bodily exercises that are predominant in our services today. Let the Holy Spirit continue His works till Christ comes. Amen.
New outpouring,new anointing which are not necessarily accompanied by any visible evidence, or even strong emotion; but one that renews the inner strength and gives deeper inner joy.“Let’s share from Duewel again: “The Holy Spirit is a holy person, not a holy emotion. Yet as this holy person works within us He imparts His holy power, His divine adequacy, to us in such a way that we feel new inner strength, new enablement above our own resources, a sense of special spiritual authority and faith and we recognize a new effectiveness which we must credit entirely to the Spirit, not to ourselves”. (Wesley L. Duewel in Ablaze for God).This is the kind of experience of repeated empowering of the early apostles such that they powerfully delivered the heavenly vision and were used to heal, deliver and release the captive of the devil.The book of Acts is awash with the constant work of the Holy Spirit in the apostolic ministries. Acts 2:4; 4:31; 6:10; 7:55; 9:17; 11:15; 13:9; 13:52 and 19:6; among others, told stories of how the apostles and brethren of old were filled with the Holy Spirit before they could accomplish their commission.We too must experience the Holy Ghost revival. This is far beyond mere clapping, raising of hands in praises or jumping and all those bodily exercises that are predominant in our services today. Let the Holy Spirit continue His works till Christ comes. Amen.
North launches economic drive
North launches economic drive
A summit on development in Northern Nigeria that will de-emphasise reliance on oil revenue is taking place in Abuja in October.
The Northern Economic and Investment Summit (NEIS 2008), being organised by the Conference of the Northern States Commerce, Industry, Mines and Agriculture (CONSCIMA), is with the theme “Transforming Potential To Wealth.”
According to the chairman of the group, Alhaji Jani Ibrahim, the summit would focus on agriculture, solid minerals, micro, small and medium enterprises (MSME’s), human capital development, public-private partnership, banking and finance and good governance.
President Umaru Yar’Adua would declare the summit open while former head of state, General Yakubu Gowon, would chair the opening ceremony.
“The summit will attract key Northern stakeholders in public and private sectors who will brainstorm on how to boost the economy and reduce poverty in Northern states.
“We want everybody on board. The North has many of its citizen in the commanding height of the Nigeria economy, we want them at the summit,”he said.
A summit on development in Northern Nigeria that will de-emphasise reliance on oil revenue is taking place in Abuja in October.
The Northern Economic and Investment Summit (NEIS 2008), being organised by the Conference of the Northern States Commerce, Industry, Mines and Agriculture (CONSCIMA), is with the theme “Transforming Potential To Wealth.”
According to the chairman of the group, Alhaji Jani Ibrahim, the summit would focus on agriculture, solid minerals, micro, small and medium enterprises (MSME’s), human capital development, public-private partnership, banking and finance and good governance.
President Umaru Yar’Adua would declare the summit open while former head of state, General Yakubu Gowon, would chair the opening ceremony.
“The summit will attract key Northern stakeholders in public and private sectors who will brainstorm on how to boost the economy and reduce poverty in Northern states.
“We want everybody on board. The North has many of its citizen in the commanding height of the Nigeria economy, we want them at the summit,”he said.
Handshakes more dangerous than kissing!
Handshakes more dangerous than kissing!
Several studies have shown that hands are the single most important transmission routes for all types of infections when they are not kept clean by washing with soap and water. In addition, an unwashed hand also spreads more diseases than other modes of welcoming guests, such as kissing
Everyone knows proper washing of the hands is important to ensure clean hands, which is also a way of stopping the spread of infections. Several studies have even showed that hands are the single most important transmission routes for all types of infections. But the act of washing our hands cannot be said to be foolproof as studies on hand washing suggest many people are still ending up with germs, particularly those spread by faeces, on their hands after leaving the bathroom or caring for a baby. Doorknobs, bathroom faucets and toilet flush handles are key sources of germ transmission in the home.
One study that looked in homes of infants recently vaccinated against polio, a virus known to be passed out in the baby’s faeces, found the virus on 13 per cent of bathroom, living room and kitchen surfaces. While the virus from the vaccine didn’t pose a health risk, the study showed how faeces-borne viruses can travel through the home. Equally another study found that in homes where salmonella cases had been diagnosed, the bacteria were still lurking in toilet bowls three weeks after the outbreak. Water splashing on the toilet seat was a source of contamination.
Germs are normal and they are everywhere. There are times and places for rigorous hand washing, like hospitals, if you are sick or immune-compromised, or if you are working with someone who was rude enough to come to work sick. Quite unlike what may be expected, the chances of contracting germs is yet higher through hands that were not thoroughly cleaned than even in sharing a kiss.
According to a report by International Scientific Forum for Home Hygiene, the possibility of people passing on an infection by shaking someone’s hand is even higher than in sharing a kiss.
A team of international researchers has carried out a study and found that people who greet each other with handshakes are more likely to pass on germs, such as flu and stomach bugs, than those who settle for a kiss. The study, funded by the International Scientific Forum on Home Hygiene, came to the conclusion after analyzing the effects of handshakes and kisses on a group of people, according to media reports.
According to the lead researcher, Prof Sally Bloomfield of the London School of Hygiene, “Shaking hands is the main form of physical contact with each other but you don’t know what the other person has been touching before you greet them. People avoid kissing each other when they have a cold, but in fact they are more likely to pass on an infection by shaking someone’s hand.”
Given that the hands are critical in the chain of infection as they transmit infections from surfaces to people and between people, the study emphasized that people must always remember that good hygiene is more than just washing our hands.
Similarly, another report compiled by a group of hygiene experts from the United States and the UK published in the American Journal of Infection Control, has recommended that we have to pay greater attention to good hand hygiene if we have to avoid catching flu, tummy bugs or protecting ourselves from disease causing germs. It suggested that in the event of outbreak of diseases such as flu, good hand hygiene should be the first line of defense during the early critical period before mass vaccination becomes available.
According to the researchers, good hygiene at home also means fewer infections, which means fewer patients demanding treatment at hospitals, and fewer resistant strains developing and circulating in the community. They said that people often put their fingers in their mouths carelessly and even end up forgetting to wash their hands before preparing foods too. They said that stomach germs can be passed on to other persons via this route.
The authors said that breaking the chain of infection from one person to another depends on how well people wash their hands. If they do not do it properly, washing with soap and rinsing under running water, then it is like they did not do it at all.
The report warned that good hygiene is beyond just washing our hands. Although the hands are the main superhighway for the spread of germs – because they are the ‘last line of defense’, surfaces from which the hands become contaminated, such as food contact surfaces, door handles, tap handles, toilet seats and cleaning cloths also need regular hygienic cleaning. Clothing and linens, baths, basin and toilet surfaces can also play a part in spreading germs among family members in the home.
Dr. Fayefunmi, a consultant medical microbiologist at the University College Hospital (UCH) Ibadan, however, said that the act of kissing and handshake couldn’t be compared in terms of one’s chances of contracting infections from the two acts. According to him, there are many microorganisms in the mouth and so there is the possibility of transmitting many infections from the mouth, including HIV.
He said both the act of kissing and handshakes have different associated factors that can increase a person’s chances of contracting an infection. “Supposing after using the toilet and the next thing you do is to put your hand in your mouth, all the germs from the body can be transmitted into your mouth and this could cause infections. Then whoever enjoys deep kissing should ensure his or her partner does not have sores in the mouth as this could cause infections.
He explained further that the two could not be compared because contracting diseases from either of the two acts depends on other factors such as the type of germs, the severity of the organism or the population of the germs on the surface of the hand or in the mouth and the immunity status of the individual. For example somebody that is diabetic or with cancer, the immunity will be so low and can pick up any infection easily. The statement that you can catch infection from handshakes and kissing is correct, but the risk of catching infection through these two means are not comparable.
Mrs. Agnes Ewete, Assistant Director, Infection Control Unit of the University College Hospital (UCH), Ibadan, acknowledged that hand washing is a tradition that everybody practises but which they do not know its importance, stressing that, it is the beat way of controlling the spread of infections.
According to her, “People must see their hands as objects that can carry germs from one place to anther and to other individuals. Once they understand this, they will understand the need to wash their hands better and more frequently. They will realise the need to apply soap and rub their hands very well to ensure they are properly cleaned.”
One study that looked in homes of infants recently vaccinated against polio, a virus known to be passed out in the baby’s faeces, found the virus on 13 per cent of bathroom, living room and kitchen surfaces. While the virus from the vaccine didn’t pose a health risk, the study showed how faeces-borne viruses can travel through the home. Equally another study found that in homes where salmonella cases had been diagnosed, the bacteria were still lurking in toilet bowls three weeks after the outbreak. Water splashing on the toilet seat was a source of contamination.
Germs are normal and they are everywhere. There are times and places for rigorous hand washing, like hospitals, if you are sick or immune-compromised, or if you are working with someone who was rude enough to come to work sick. Quite unlike what may be expected, the chances of contracting germs is yet higher through hands that were not thoroughly cleaned than even in sharing a kiss.
According to a report by International Scientific Forum for Home Hygiene, the possibility of people passing on an infection by shaking someone’s hand is even higher than in sharing a kiss.
A team of international researchers has carried out a study and found that people who greet each other with handshakes are more likely to pass on germs, such as flu and stomach bugs, than those who settle for a kiss. The study, funded by the International Scientific Forum on Home Hygiene, came to the conclusion after analyzing the effects of handshakes and kisses on a group of people, according to media reports.
According to the lead researcher, Prof Sally Bloomfield of the London School of Hygiene, “Shaking hands is the main form of physical contact with each other but you don’t know what the other person has been touching before you greet them. People avoid kissing each other when they have a cold, but in fact they are more likely to pass on an infection by shaking someone’s hand.”
Given that the hands are critical in the chain of infection as they transmit infections from surfaces to people and between people, the study emphasized that people must always remember that good hygiene is more than just washing our hands.
Similarly, another report compiled by a group of hygiene experts from the United States and the UK published in the American Journal of Infection Control, has recommended that we have to pay greater attention to good hand hygiene if we have to avoid catching flu, tummy bugs or protecting ourselves from disease causing germs. It suggested that in the event of outbreak of diseases such as flu, good hand hygiene should be the first line of defense during the early critical period before mass vaccination becomes available.
According to the researchers, good hygiene at home also means fewer infections, which means fewer patients demanding treatment at hospitals, and fewer resistant strains developing and circulating in the community. They said that people often put their fingers in their mouths carelessly and even end up forgetting to wash their hands before preparing foods too. They said that stomach germs can be passed on to other persons via this route.
The authors said that breaking the chain of infection from one person to another depends on how well people wash their hands. If they do not do it properly, washing with soap and rinsing under running water, then it is like they did not do it at all.
The report warned that good hygiene is beyond just washing our hands. Although the hands are the main superhighway for the spread of germs – because they are the ‘last line of defense’, surfaces from which the hands become contaminated, such as food contact surfaces, door handles, tap handles, toilet seats and cleaning cloths also need regular hygienic cleaning. Clothing and linens, baths, basin and toilet surfaces can also play a part in spreading germs among family members in the home.
Dr. Fayefunmi, a consultant medical microbiologist at the University College Hospital (UCH) Ibadan, however, said that the act of kissing and handshake couldn’t be compared in terms of one’s chances of contracting infections from the two acts. According to him, there are many microorganisms in the mouth and so there is the possibility of transmitting many infections from the mouth, including HIV.
He said both the act of kissing and handshakes have different associated factors that can increase a person’s chances of contracting an infection. “Supposing after using the toilet and the next thing you do is to put your hand in your mouth, all the germs from the body can be transmitted into your mouth and this could cause infections. Then whoever enjoys deep kissing should ensure his or her partner does not have sores in the mouth as this could cause infections.
He explained further that the two could not be compared because contracting diseases from either of the two acts depends on other factors such as the type of germs, the severity of the organism or the population of the germs on the surface of the hand or in the mouth and the immunity status of the individual. For example somebody that is diabetic or with cancer, the immunity will be so low and can pick up any infection easily. The statement that you can catch infection from handshakes and kissing is correct, but the risk of catching infection through these two means are not comparable.
Mrs. Agnes Ewete, Assistant Director, Infection Control Unit of the University College Hospital (UCH), Ibadan, acknowledged that hand washing is a tradition that everybody practises but which they do not know its importance, stressing that, it is the beat way of controlling the spread of infections.
According to her, “People must see their hands as objects that can carry germs from one place to anther and to other individuals. Once they understand this, they will understand the need to wash their hands better and more frequently. They will realise the need to apply soap and rub their hands very well to ensure they are properly cleaned.”
THE YORUBAS
Yoruba is the first language of approximately 30 million West Africans in the South-western area of Nigeria, Togo, Republic of Benin and Sierra Leone. There are many different dialects spoken in different parts, but there is a standard Yoruba language which is understood by speakers of the different dialects. Yoruba Language has also survived in Cuba, where it is called Lukumi, in Brazil, where it is called Nago, in Trinidad and Tobago and the United States
This days Yoruba people can be found in every part of the world. It is a known fact that when foreign nationals, especially Asians reside outside their countries of origin, they always successfully pass on their languages and cultures to their children. It is the contrary with some people from Africa.
While Africans who where involuntarily taken out of Africa through slavery are enthusiastically identifying with and promoting their African heritage, it saddens one to know that there are children of Yoruba parentage living in Yorubaland who are encouraged not to speak the Yoruba language, renouncing their language and culture. This is obviously because their parents believe that the English Language is superior to their own mother tongue, they embrace everything Western and discard their own culture and heritage. This must be changed.
Now is the time to educate both Yoruba adults and children to have a pride in who they are. OUR MISSION STATEMENT is "to uphold the dignity of YORUBA throughout the world - to keep our heritage alive"
This days Yoruba people can be found in every part of the world. It is a known fact that when foreign nationals, especially Asians reside outside their countries of origin, they always successfully pass on their languages and cultures to their children. It is the contrary with some people from Africa.
While Africans who where involuntarily taken out of Africa through slavery are enthusiastically identifying with and promoting their African heritage, it saddens one to know that there are children of Yoruba parentage living in Yorubaland who are encouraged not to speak the Yoruba language, renouncing their language and culture. This is obviously because their parents believe that the English Language is superior to their own mother tongue, they embrace everything Western and discard their own culture and heritage. This must be changed.
Now is the time to educate both Yoruba adults and children to have a pride in who they are. OUR MISSION STATEMENT is "to uphold the dignity of YORUBA throughout the world - to keep our heritage alive"
The Democratic Structure of Yoruba
The Democratic Structure of Yoruba
Introduction
Looking through the pre-colonial epoch in Yoruba political and cultural history, one can
see some elements of democracy featured in pre-colonial and traditional Yoruba social
and political organization. And while it may be true that some tension exists between the
monarchic nature of society and its democratic features, it remains that the social and
political organization of traditional Yoruba society demonstrated some democratic
values, and thus traditional was established on what can be called a participatory
democracy.
Democratic Values
Democracy emphasizes that power should be shared among people of different
categories, and that sharing of power must also be acknowledged by those who hold
power directly and those whose ownership of power is by mere inference. For the
Athenians, democracy involves rotation in office, and the filling of offices by lot and
enlargement of governing bodies (Sabine 1973: 28). Hence democracy emphasizes that
values should not be forced upon any people against their will, and stipulates liberty, the
separation of power, majority rule, and the sovereignty of the people (Brecht 1959).
Furthermore, the ethics of democracy, according to Sabine, regard mutual concession and
compromise as ways of reaching agreements, which over all were more satisfactory than
any that could be reached by the dominance of one interest of one party over all the
others (Sabine 1973: 844).
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And conversely in this position, democracy does not conceive a community as a
constellation of impersonal forces but rather a complex of human beings and human
interests that upholds the ethos of resolving human antagonistic interests through
negotiation.
Larry Diamond and some other scholars on the subject emphasize the point that
democracy involves contests among individuals and organized groups for all positions in
government (Diamond 1988: xvi). These contests for positions in government should be
done at regular intervals without the use of force or any threat of force as democracy
works to emphasize civil and political liberties. Viewed this way, democracy recognizes
the differences in human interests and put structures in place to provide the means for the
genuine meeting of the minds, and considers 'politics' as the area of negotiation and
political institutions as agencies to make possible the interchanges of opinion and
understanding on which successful negotiation depends. Thus democracy gives primacy
to political and moral values of equality, reciprocity, and respect for the views of others.
According to Salim A. Salim, democratization involves free and unfettered exercise of
fundamental freedoms of __expression, association, and political choice. It also involves
the ability of all citizens to participate in the process of governance (Salim 1990: 29,
Mieder 2003: 259-301). This spirit of democracy is expressed in President Abraham
Lincoln's Gettysburg Address according to which democracy is "the government of the
people, by the people, and for the people" (Salami 2004: 315-328, Held 1998: 1-10).
This expression "of the people" points to the power of citizens to choose those to rule and
to ensure that they are governed in conformity with the general good of the society. In
the same way, the expression "of the people" suggests that democracy is a system of
government whose constitutional rules, principles, and procedures are set up by the
people themselves. In this sense, democracy enables people to participate in decisionmaking
concerning their lives, community, and society (Gyekye 1997: 133-134, Busia
1975: 453-455). Therefore this understanding of democracy stresses the notion of the
people which place democracy as a system that gives institutional expression to the will
of the people reflected in the American Declaration of Independence set July 4, 1776
which says "… governments are instituted among men deriving their just powers from
the consent of the governed" that recognizes the inalienable right and power of the
governed to remove any government that no longer serves the general good of the
community with the emphasis on the idea of representation wherein every citizen will be
assured of representation in the scene of power.
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The upshot of this reasoning is that democracy conceives politics as the area of
negotiation and it treats political institutions as instruments to enhance the interchanges
of opinion and understanding as bases for successful negotiation (Sabine 1973: 845), and
thus place emphasizes on the political and moral values of equality and reciprocity.
The Democratic Content of Yoruba Politico-Cultural Heritage
In this context we can now turn to the evolutionary nature of democracy (leadership
choice, checks and balances, Kingdom structure, and cultural heritage) via the constant
changes and development in its conceptualization, and the key topic on the demonstration
of democratic values in traditional Yoruba social and political society established on what
can be called a participatory democracy as it employed different models of involving
citizens in governance which allows for representation of diverse interests. Hence
creating governance through representative and participatory democracy featured in all
the facets of the traditional Yoruba social, cultural and political organization.
For example, in traditional Yoruba society, the leader of an Ilu (town or society) is the
Oba, the leaders of smaller villages are Baale, while the leaders of compounds are called
Olori Ile. The choice of who governs at these various levels is done through democratic
means. The choice of the Baale and the Olori Ile is mostly based on age and prominence
in the ancestral tree of the village or compound, and each has a number of royal families
among which the Oba is chosen.
Furthermore, when there is a vacant stool, candidates for Obaship would emerge from the
royal families, and when they emerged, they are all treated as equal candidates to the
stool, hence subject to the same rules and treatment, with the final choice of an Oba done
by the Kingmakers in consultation with the Ifa oracle. For example, in Oyo, the Alafin
was elected from a number of royal candidates by a King-making body called the Oyomesi
which consists of seven councillors of society [also done in other paramount Yoruba
traditional societies] (Osae 1980: 97). And in Ile-Ife, the primordial or spiritual capital of
the Yoruba, the Ooni also emerged from among members of the ruling houses while the
King-makers, with the directive from the Ifa oracle, chose whoever should emerge as the
Ooni, and in cases of succession and ascension, Yoruba traditional culture employed the
assistance of Ifa oracle to aid the Kingmakers in the determining who on society would
become the King.
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The point here is that in each Yoruba traditional Ilu (town or Kingdom), there are some
families already marked as the royal lineages from which contestants to the stool would
emerge. When those who are considered eligible or who consider themselves eligible for
the contest emerge, they would all be subject to the same and equal exercise by the
Kingmakers who are the society officials in charge of such society duties under the
guidance of Ifa oracle through a mediation by the Ifa Priest who is also an important
spiritual officer in the society. The importance of this is that ascension to throne was
done according to some laid down rules agreed upon by people in the Kingdom.
Furthermore, the rules were applied equally without any differential treatment.
Pertinent to this account is that every member of the Ilu (Kingdom) is aware from the
beginning that when a vacant stool is to be filled, contestants should come from the
acknowledged royal lineages. In addition, among the aspirants from royal lineages, the
one whose choice is supported by the King-makers in conjunction with the
recommendation of the Ifa oracle finally becomes the Oba (King). Thus, ab initio, the
rules are carefully set and the citizens are aware of the rules as they affect them, and there
is no doubt that the choice of a leader was politically charged, and thus when contestation
arises, Yoruba traditional culture employed ritual checks and balances for resolving
conflicts relating to issues of succession (Al-Yasha 2003: 1).
Political Organization in Traditional Yoruba Society
In traditional Yoruba society, the leader of an Ilu (town or society) is the Oba, the leaders
of smaller villages are Baale, while the leader of compounds are called
Olori Ile, and the
political and administrative organization of the society was headed by a King and divided
into towns and regions with each major town and settlement headed by a King in council
with other administrators.
Anthropologically, traditional Yoruba society could be said to be monarchical, yet the
monarch does not enjoy a sole authority of the society, and while the King occupied the
highest seat of the society, there existed an elaborate organization of palace officials and
or chiefs. Hence the affairs of society were transacted by the King in full consultation
with the chiefs and other palace officials which can conveniently be classified as the
council of society. This, in most cases included civil chiefs, the military chiefs, the ward
chiefs and heads of compounds and extended families. And for administrative ease, a
town, apart from the central society power, can be divided into wards, which comprise
several households and extended families.
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As mentioned above, the head of traditional Yoruba monarchy was the King who
wielded the executive power which no doubt varied one set-up to the other, yet his
power was not without in-built checks, as he in most cases, enjoyed a respect and
veneration from the citizenry (in most cases, the King presided directly over the council
of society). And in some of the small Ijebu Kingdoms and the sectional Egba Kingdoms
with strong Ogboni societies, the executive transacted all the business while the King
merely submitting business to be transacted (Fadipe 1970: 25). Nevertheless, the
functions of the King as the head of the council of society include the protection of the
general interest of members of the society which calls for overseeing the general health of
the society and her citizens, including the internal security of members, issues of peace
and war, and the administration of justice, with the King as the last court of appeal for the
whole Kingdom, and also concerned with the conduct of the relationship with other
regional Kingdoms and societies (Fadipe 1970: 206).
Apart from the central administration of traditional Yoruba society by the Oba-incouncil,
there is the local governance by the ward chiefs, with head of compounds as well
as the military chiefs, and family heads responsible for the administration of parts of the
society and within the territories of the society who performed juridical or executive
functions within their territories echoing traditional Yoruba social organization as it
replicated at the ward and compound levels with activities of the Oba-in-council (Fadipe
1970: 207).
Democratic Checks and Balances in Traditional Yoruba Society
In line with our earlier observation, the Oba also represents the head of the political
organization of traditional Yoruba society which gives political, juridical, and executive
power he can exercise in council with other chiefs and officials. The traditional Yoruba
society accorded the Oba a considerable amount respect, which almost equals veneration,
although his powers are not meant to be absolute due to a hierarchy of power relations in
the management of the society. Hence this hierarchy of power relations tilted in favour
of the Oba but it did not translate to an un-checked power, thus the power arrangement in
traditional Yoruba political setting was such that it provided checks and balances with a
structure that gave power to some bodies of persons to exercise on behalf of others with a
second structure to provide institutions with the power to check the possible excesses by
those who wielded power based in a social and political fabric meant to encourage interinstitutional
checks and balances to moderate social and political power relationships in
the society.
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In Oyo Kingdom for instance, while the Alafin (the Oba) wielded much power that
approached veneration, the institution of the Oyo-mesi was also there to check his use and
possible abuse of power. Alafin was the supreme judge of the Oyo Empire; his court was
the final court of appeal, and he was also the fountain of honours and the head of his
people in the inseparable spheres of administration of law and justice (Stride: 298). On
the other hand, the Alafin was elected by the Oyo-mesi, the King-making body consisting
of seven councillors of society. Apart from the role as Kingmakers, the Oyo-mesi also
had power to moderate the power and the influence of Alafin. And thus Alafin had to
govern with caution and a respect for the subjects who invariably held him with
veneration, and when an Alafin displeased his people, the Oyo-mesi, under the leadership
of Basorun, would present him with an empty calabash or parrot's eggs as a sign that he
must commit suicide (although the Alafin could not be deposed, he could be compelled to
commit suicide).
And likewise, the Oyo-mesi does not enjoy an absolute power or influence, and while the
Oyo-mesi
may wield political influence, the Ogboni represented the popular opinion
backed by the authority of religion, and therefore the view of the Oyo-mesi could be
moderated by the Ogboni. Yet, the Basorun as the head of Oyo-mesi was also in a
position to influence the political decisions of both Oyo-mesi and the Ogboni (Stride:
299-300). And most interestingly, there are checks and balances to the power of the
Alafin and the Oyo-mesi, and thus no one is arrogated absolute power.
In another example, in the Ijebu and Egbo Kingdom there was also a similar mechanism
providing checks and balances among the various organs of government. Hence,
occupying the position of Oyo-mesi is the Osugbo (the name for Ogboni among the Ijebu
and Egba Kingdoms) with the Oba (King) who also enjoyed a high level of respect and
power comparable to the
Alafin. Respectively, the Osugbo was the council of society in
the Ijebu and the Egba Kingdoms, and at its periodical sessions the "Osugbo assumed
successively administrative, legislative and judicial roles… [wherein]…it discharged all
the business of society without the King being necessarily in attendance." (Fadipe 1970:
245). However, the King as the head of government referred all business to the Osugbo,
and in turn, the Osugbo had to report to the King on all the business transacted,
juxtaposing the Oba (King) who was considered sufficiently powerful to veto and
override the decisions of his Osugbo, yet like the Alafin, he did not enjoy absolute power.
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Following this further, in Ile-Ife, the spiritual headquarter of the Yoruba, the Ooni was
highly respected and regarded as a powerful being only second to Olodumare, the
Supreme Being, yet as the head of the Kingdom, he did not rule alone, also governed in
council with the traditional chiefs; those on the right hand side who represented the
princely interests and those on the left hand side, representing religious and spiritual
interests. And notwithstanding, the Ooni had the Obalufe, his second in command in
terms of power. And apart from the central governance of Ife Kingdom, there are also
heads of compounds comprises of several extended families (several compounds and
villages made up the Kingdom) who had important political roles to play in social and
political life, although subject to some measures of control from the Ooni-in-council (and
although the Ooni enjoyed power, influence, and respect, he didn't enjoy an absolute
power), and in case an Ooni engaged in any misrule, there were some mechanisms in
place to control the excesses. For example, an Ooni could be asked to open the beaded
crown called "Are", and should that happened, it would signify the need for the Ooni to
commit suicide.
Generally speaking, the Ife Kingdom enjoyed some measure of universal franchise
whereas there was no serious discrimination against women with in regards to the
institution of Obaship, and in fact it was once governed by a female
Ooni named Luwo
Gbagida during the 17th or 19th century. Hence Akinjogbin's record (1980) shows that
between the 10th and the 11th centuries she required the Ife people to adopt clean habits
and worked them so hard that she was forced to vacate the stool. And afterwards, the
populous of Ife decided to not entertain the idea of another female Ooni (Akinjogbin
1980: 124-126). Hence, she was enthroned as Ooni, which involved select administrative
procedures by the Kingmakers under the guidance of the Ifa oracle, and thus whoever
emerged out of the contestants from the ruling houses would pass through rigorous rituals
which under normal circumstances were meant to instil humility and other leadership
qualities in the candidate. And I another case, a descendant of Lajamisan was deposed
and banished to Ife Odan ostensibly for reigning for an extended time and possibly
simple cruelty (Ife history reports that he was deposed for cruelty, while the Ife Odan
account maintains that he was deposed for extending his reigned (Akinjogbin 1980: 126),
again demonstrating that people of Ife reserved the power to change the Ooni if they were
dissatisfied.
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Thus as we continue to look through the accounts of some prominent political Kingdoms
in traditional Yoruba history, we discover that consultation or command went from the
Oba through the chiefs to the citizenry, an arrangement that promoted systematic checks
and balances where each person stood in a defined and generally recognized relationship
to others. And in addition, the power of the Oba was also limited by Eewo wherein '... the
eewo…….. were recounted to him during the ceremonies of his core-society and these
eewo varied from Kingdom to Kingdom, the eewo were designed to curb despotism on
the part of the King and his immediate family, to promote harmony among the different
elements in the town…and to ensure the orderly existence of the people (Akinjogbin
1980: 131)'. Hence in this context, both the King and the citizens have their eewo, which
they must observe, and for each eewo there are penalties because the violation of an eewo
could spell perdition and woe for the entire Kingdom. Consequently, according to
Akinjogbin '... a King who violated an eewo could lose his throne and therefore his
life…. A chief who violated his eewo could lose his title……. The rulers of a Kingdom
would ensure that no town violated its eewo for it was believed that such a violation
could cause the destruction of the town (Akinjogbin 1980: 131)'. And in short, for the
overall development of the society, community, or Kingdom, it was the responsibility of
the King through the citizenry to abide by the recommendation of the eewo who would
ordinarily stand as a relevant spiritual or religious symbol to carry social and political
values regulating the balance of power since the spiritual posture of eewo gave it power
to perform social and political regulatory roles that thus represent a complementary in the
maintenance of checks and balances. In short, there were some means for maintaining the
authority and power of the Oba without creating a despot with limitless power to allow
the system an arrogated power for to the ruler and simultaneously providing a
mechanism for preventing hegemonic excesses.
Democracy in Yoruba Traditional Politico-Cultural Heritage
In reviewing traditional Yoruba social, cultural and political settings, one can easily
assume the presence of some features of democracy. Using Tangwa's view, one can
arguably propose that Yoruba traditional society was a reconciliation of the "autocratic
dictatorship and popular democracy" as traditional Yoruba Kingdoms exhibited a balance
of authority and democracy (Tangwa 1998: 2). Thus many of the important features of
democracy can be located within the traditional Yoruba social, cultural and political
arrangement. For example, while rulers were often referred to as Alase ekeji Orisa
,
(holders of authority, the second-in command to the supernatural being), some features
were in place to diffuse the absoluteness presupposed in reference to the ruler, hence
again there were checks with the structure to balance the power equation on exhibit.
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It is thus incontrovertible that the method of choice of leaders carries some democratic
outlook. The process for choosing leaders portends some lesson in humilities to the
ruler. The humility is required to educate the would-be ruler on the condition of living of
the masses. While the rulers were custodians of the power of the Kingdom, they would
also remember the experiences of becoming rulers. They would remember how among
others like them they were singled out for the offices they held. Beyond this, individuals
were chosen among their equals through some rituals, which again furthered training in
the art of democratic governance.
Another democratic feature traceable to the traditional Yoruba society was that the rules
set for a choice of leaders and governance were clearly recognized by the rulers and the
ruled, and at least, the rulers and the subjects knew that at the departure of an Oba, were
already set with respect to who ascended the throne, with a modality for choosing some
rites. Thus each traditional Yoruba Kingdom had a settled system of ascension after the
demise of an
Oba, already known to the citizens and the potential contestants for the
royal stool. Second, it was democratic to the extent that the rules were strictly followed,
which made it impossible for anyone to impose himself on the society as it ensured that
to become an Oba, both the spiritual and material criteria were observed. And in this
case, the field was open to all eligible candidates who were assumed to have equal access
to the throne, demonstrating to the citizens that they had a voice in determining who
would ascended to the throne, and thus became a ruler.
The above political organization of the traditional Yoruba Kingdoms thus without
a doubt, portrays a participatory democracy. It accommodated the participation of both
the rulers and the ruled; although the Oba was the supreme commander, every cadre of
the society was in various ways included in the operating the Kingdom to the
point that the activities of the Oba-in-council at the societal level were replicated at the
ward and compound levels to indeed establish a participatory democratic process
in traditional Yoruba society. And moreover, the democratic tenets of freedom of
expression, separation of power, and checks and balances are embedded in various forms
in the Yoruba traditional settings. Hence, apart from the separation of power and checks
and balances, citizens also could enjoy the license to express their opinion of the
Oba and
the rulers through songs and other forms of symbolism during various festivals. For
example, during Edi festival in Ife, there are various songs and traditional poetry to either
praise or pass insult onto the ruling Oba, thus, expressing the feelings of the people thus
providing opportunities for citizens to make their feelings known to those who
govern, forming part of the democratic instruments for regulatory purposes.
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These examples of traditional Yoruba society can thus allow one to infer the presence of
some prominent features of democracy and begin to ask '...are these features as described
in the Yoruba traditional social and political arrangements sufficient to infer any form of
democracy no matter how low in sophistication compared to what now obtains?' Hence
the answer to this question cannot be expected to be straightforward because even if
traditional Yoruba society was democratic in structure, it is definitely not the same as the
current form of democracy; and even those regarded as symbols of democracy today
were not always intact, but rather in an evolving stage of true democracy. Thus of interest
here is the question of whether traditional Yoruba society had some rubrics upon which a
modern democratic structure can be built.
In re-tracing our steps we may repeat the question whether the features of the traditional
Yoruba society are sufficient to warrant an ascription of democratic arrangement, and can
we rightly or justifiably claim that the traditional Yoruba pattern of societal arrangement
was actually democratic when we know that its system of governance was monarchical
although at the surface it was the rule of an individual, yet under deeper scrutiny
it revealed an inclusive participatory permissiveness to produce a democratic structure.
Conqueringly in this context we know that the constitutions of the traditional Yoruba
Kingdoms were carefully balanced to allow distributive power among the Oba, the
categories of chiefs, the spiritual and political office holders, as well as, representatives of
different age and professional groups with historical evidence. For example, in the 17th
and 18th centuries, the increase in the power of Alafin and the desire to curtail it by the
Oyo-mesi led to serious tension which led to the continual demand by the Oyo-mesi for
the abdication of Alafin and a later additional demand for the death of the Aremo (the
crown prince) of
Alafin, ending in the killing of some palace chiefs considered loyalists
or associates of the abdicated monarch (Akinjogbin 1980: 137).
At a point, the tension was so high that some monarch had to resort to tactics of filling
such strategic positions with their friends and loyalists to make it impossible for them to
be rid of their power and office. For example, an Alafin in the 1730s used his
constitutional power to appoint Jambu, his friend, as Basorun, although it did not work
out well as the monarch had expected (Akinjogbin 1980: 137). In fact, the demand for
abdication became so rampant that, while some monarchs took their rejections mildly and
committed suicide; some others fought back and had to be met with greater force to be
dislodged (Johnson 1956: 168-177). Thus this raises the question of the sustainability of
the traditional democratic structure of the society, and whether the democratic structure
of traditional Yoruba society would have survived even if it was not truncated by the
advent of colonialism.
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In conclusion, it suffices to claim that the monarchic democracy of the traditional Yoruba
society was full of tension and to some extent lacked an adequate structure to moderate or
resolve the tension generated by the measure to balance the power equation, and although
the system ascribed central and executive power to the
Oba., the roles of the institutions
meant to check the excesses were sometimes weak in the face of the powerful and
immensely influential Oba superstructure within Youruba traditional society.
References
Akinjogbin, I.A. and Ayandele, E.A. "Yoruba Land Up to 1800" in Ikime Obaro (ed.),
Groundwork of Nigerian History (Ibadan: Heinemann Educational Books, 1980) pp. 124-
137.
Al-Yasha Ilhaam, W. "On the Subject of Kings and Queens: 'Traditional' African
Leadership and the Diaspora Imagisociety", African Studies Quarterly: The Online
Journal for African Studies 6, 4(2003):1. [Online] URL:
http://webafrica.ufl.edu/asq/v6i3al.htm (2003):4.
Brecht, A. Political Theory: The Foundations of Twentieth-Century Political Thought
(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1959).
Busia, K.A. "The Ingredients of Democracy" in Mutiso, Gideon-Cyrus and Rohio, S.W.
(eds.) Readings in African Political Thought (London: Heinemann, 1975).
Diamond Larry, Linz Juan, and Lipset S. Martin, (eds.).
Democracy in Developing
Countries: Vol.2. (Colorado: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1988).
Fadipe, N.A., The Sociology of the Yoruba (Ibadan: Ibadan University Press. 1970).
Gyekye, K. Tradition and Modernity: Philosophical Reflections on the African
Experience (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997).
Held, D., Models of Democracy (Oxford: Blackwell, 1988).
Johnson S., The History of the Yoruba (Lagos: CMS, 1956).
Mieder W., "Government of the People, By the People, For the People: The Making of an
American Proverb of Democracy" in Proverbium: Yearbook of Intersociety Proverb
Scholarship, Vol.20, (2003): 259-308.
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Osae, T.A. and Nwabara, S.N., A Short History of West Africa AD 1000-1800 (London:
Hodder and Stoughton, 1980).
Sabine, G.H., A History of Political Theory 4th ed
. (New Delhi: Oxford University Press,
1973).
Salami Yunusa Kehinde, "Yoruba Proverbs and Democratic Ethos" in Proverbium:
Yearbook of Intersociety Proverb Scholarship, Vol.21, (2004): 315-328.
Salim A. Salim. Africa Recovery, July-September, (1990): 29.
Introduction
Looking through the pre-colonial epoch in Yoruba political and cultural history, one can
see some elements of democracy featured in pre-colonial and traditional Yoruba social
and political organization. And while it may be true that some tension exists between the
monarchic nature of society and its democratic features, it remains that the social and
political organization of traditional Yoruba society demonstrated some democratic
values, and thus traditional was established on what can be called a participatory
democracy.
Democratic Values
Democracy emphasizes that power should be shared among people of different
categories, and that sharing of power must also be acknowledged by those who hold
power directly and those whose ownership of power is by mere inference. For the
Athenians, democracy involves rotation in office, and the filling of offices by lot and
enlargement of governing bodies (Sabine 1973: 28). Hence democracy emphasizes that
values should not be forced upon any people against their will, and stipulates liberty, the
separation of power, majority rule, and the sovereignty of the people (Brecht 1959).
Furthermore, the ethics of democracy, according to Sabine, regard mutual concession and
compromise as ways of reaching agreements, which over all were more satisfactory than
any that could be reached by the dominance of one interest of one party over all the
others (Sabine 1973: 844).
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And conversely in this position, democracy does not conceive a community as a
constellation of impersonal forces but rather a complex of human beings and human
interests that upholds the ethos of resolving human antagonistic interests through
negotiation.
Larry Diamond and some other scholars on the subject emphasize the point that
democracy involves contests among individuals and organized groups for all positions in
government (Diamond 1988: xvi). These contests for positions in government should be
done at regular intervals without the use of force or any threat of force as democracy
works to emphasize civil and political liberties. Viewed this way, democracy recognizes
the differences in human interests and put structures in place to provide the means for the
genuine meeting of the minds, and considers 'politics' as the area of negotiation and
political institutions as agencies to make possible the interchanges of opinion and
understanding on which successful negotiation depends. Thus democracy gives primacy
to political and moral values of equality, reciprocity, and respect for the views of others.
According to Salim A. Salim, democratization involves free and unfettered exercise of
fundamental freedoms of __expression, association, and political choice. It also involves
the ability of all citizens to participate in the process of governance (Salim 1990: 29,
Mieder 2003: 259-301). This spirit of democracy is expressed in President Abraham
Lincoln's Gettysburg Address according to which democracy is "the government of the
people, by the people, and for the people" (Salami 2004: 315-328, Held 1998: 1-10).
This expression "of the people" points to the power of citizens to choose those to rule and
to ensure that they are governed in conformity with the general good of the society. In
the same way, the expression "of the people" suggests that democracy is a system of
government whose constitutional rules, principles, and procedures are set up by the
people themselves. In this sense, democracy enables people to participate in decisionmaking
concerning their lives, community, and society (Gyekye 1997: 133-134, Busia
1975: 453-455). Therefore this understanding of democracy stresses the notion of the
people which place democracy as a system that gives institutional expression to the will
of the people reflected in the American Declaration of Independence set July 4, 1776
which says "… governments are instituted among men deriving their just powers from
the consent of the governed" that recognizes the inalienable right and power of the
governed to remove any government that no longer serves the general good of the
community with the emphasis on the idea of representation wherein every citizen will be
assured of representation in the scene of power.
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The upshot of this reasoning is that democracy conceives politics as the area of
negotiation and it treats political institutions as instruments to enhance the interchanges
of opinion and understanding as bases for successful negotiation (Sabine 1973: 845), and
thus place emphasizes on the political and moral values of equality and reciprocity.
The Democratic Content of Yoruba Politico-Cultural Heritage
In this context we can now turn to the evolutionary nature of democracy (leadership
choice, checks and balances, Kingdom structure, and cultural heritage) via the constant
changes and development in its conceptualization, and the key topic on the demonstration
of democratic values in traditional Yoruba social and political society established on what
can be called a participatory democracy as it employed different models of involving
citizens in governance which allows for representation of diverse interests. Hence
creating governance through representative and participatory democracy featured in all
the facets of the traditional Yoruba social, cultural and political organization.
For example, in traditional Yoruba society, the leader of an Ilu (town or society) is the
Oba, the leaders of smaller villages are Baale, while the leaders of compounds are called
Olori Ile. The choice of who governs at these various levels is done through democratic
means. The choice of the Baale and the Olori Ile is mostly based on age and prominence
in the ancestral tree of the village or compound, and each has a number of royal families
among which the Oba is chosen.
Furthermore, when there is a vacant stool, candidates for Obaship would emerge from the
royal families, and when they emerged, they are all treated as equal candidates to the
stool, hence subject to the same rules and treatment, with the final choice of an Oba done
by the Kingmakers in consultation with the Ifa oracle. For example, in Oyo, the Alafin
was elected from a number of royal candidates by a King-making body called the Oyomesi
which consists of seven councillors of society [also done in other paramount Yoruba
traditional societies] (Osae 1980: 97). And in Ile-Ife, the primordial or spiritual capital of
the Yoruba, the Ooni also emerged from among members of the ruling houses while the
King-makers, with the directive from the Ifa oracle, chose whoever should emerge as the
Ooni, and in cases of succession and ascension, Yoruba traditional culture employed the
assistance of Ifa oracle to aid the Kingmakers in the determining who on society would
become the King.
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The point here is that in each Yoruba traditional Ilu (town or Kingdom), there are some
families already marked as the royal lineages from which contestants to the stool would
emerge. When those who are considered eligible or who consider themselves eligible for
the contest emerge, they would all be subject to the same and equal exercise by the
Kingmakers who are the society officials in charge of such society duties under the
guidance of Ifa oracle through a mediation by the Ifa Priest who is also an important
spiritual officer in the society. The importance of this is that ascension to throne was
done according to some laid down rules agreed upon by people in the Kingdom.
Furthermore, the rules were applied equally without any differential treatment.
Pertinent to this account is that every member of the Ilu (Kingdom) is aware from the
beginning that when a vacant stool is to be filled, contestants should come from the
acknowledged royal lineages. In addition, among the aspirants from royal lineages, the
one whose choice is supported by the King-makers in conjunction with the
recommendation of the Ifa oracle finally becomes the Oba (King). Thus, ab initio, the
rules are carefully set and the citizens are aware of the rules as they affect them, and there
is no doubt that the choice of a leader was politically charged, and thus when contestation
arises, Yoruba traditional culture employed ritual checks and balances for resolving
conflicts relating to issues of succession (Al-Yasha 2003: 1).
Political Organization in Traditional Yoruba Society
In traditional Yoruba society, the leader of an Ilu (town or society) is the Oba, the leaders
of smaller villages are Baale, while the leader of compounds are called
Olori Ile, and the
political and administrative organization of the society was headed by a King and divided
into towns and regions with each major town and settlement headed by a King in council
with other administrators.
Anthropologically, traditional Yoruba society could be said to be monarchical, yet the
monarch does not enjoy a sole authority of the society, and while the King occupied the
highest seat of the society, there existed an elaborate organization of palace officials and
or chiefs. Hence the affairs of society were transacted by the King in full consultation
with the chiefs and other palace officials which can conveniently be classified as the
council of society. This, in most cases included civil chiefs, the military chiefs, the ward
chiefs and heads of compounds and extended families. And for administrative ease, a
town, apart from the central society power, can be divided into wards, which comprise
several households and extended families.
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As mentioned above, the head of traditional Yoruba monarchy was the King who
wielded the executive power which no doubt varied one set-up to the other, yet his
power was not without in-built checks, as he in most cases, enjoyed a respect and
veneration from the citizenry (in most cases, the King presided directly over the council
of society). And in some of the small Ijebu Kingdoms and the sectional Egba Kingdoms
with strong Ogboni societies, the executive transacted all the business while the King
merely submitting business to be transacted (Fadipe 1970: 25). Nevertheless, the
functions of the King as the head of the council of society include the protection of the
general interest of members of the society which calls for overseeing the general health of
the society and her citizens, including the internal security of members, issues of peace
and war, and the administration of justice, with the King as the last court of appeal for the
whole Kingdom, and also concerned with the conduct of the relationship with other
regional Kingdoms and societies (Fadipe 1970: 206).
Apart from the central administration of traditional Yoruba society by the Oba-incouncil,
there is the local governance by the ward chiefs, with head of compounds as well
as the military chiefs, and family heads responsible for the administration of parts of the
society and within the territories of the society who performed juridical or executive
functions within their territories echoing traditional Yoruba social organization as it
replicated at the ward and compound levels with activities of the Oba-in-council (Fadipe
1970: 207).
Democratic Checks and Balances in Traditional Yoruba Society
In line with our earlier observation, the Oba also represents the head of the political
organization of traditional Yoruba society which gives political, juridical, and executive
power he can exercise in council with other chiefs and officials. The traditional Yoruba
society accorded the Oba a considerable amount respect, which almost equals veneration,
although his powers are not meant to be absolute due to a hierarchy of power relations in
the management of the society. Hence this hierarchy of power relations tilted in favour
of the Oba but it did not translate to an un-checked power, thus the power arrangement in
traditional Yoruba political setting was such that it provided checks and balances with a
structure that gave power to some bodies of persons to exercise on behalf of others with a
second structure to provide institutions with the power to check the possible excesses by
those who wielded power based in a social and political fabric meant to encourage interinstitutional
checks and balances to moderate social and political power relationships in
the society.
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In Oyo Kingdom for instance, while the Alafin (the Oba) wielded much power that
approached veneration, the institution of the Oyo-mesi was also there to check his use and
possible abuse of power. Alafin was the supreme judge of the Oyo Empire; his court was
the final court of appeal, and he was also the fountain of honours and the head of his
people in the inseparable spheres of administration of law and justice (Stride: 298). On
the other hand, the Alafin was elected by the Oyo-mesi, the King-making body consisting
of seven councillors of society. Apart from the role as Kingmakers, the Oyo-mesi also
had power to moderate the power and the influence of Alafin. And thus Alafin had to
govern with caution and a respect for the subjects who invariably held him with
veneration, and when an Alafin displeased his people, the Oyo-mesi, under the leadership
of Basorun, would present him with an empty calabash or parrot's eggs as a sign that he
must commit suicide (although the Alafin could not be deposed, he could be compelled to
commit suicide).
And likewise, the Oyo-mesi does not enjoy an absolute power or influence, and while the
Oyo-mesi
may wield political influence, the Ogboni represented the popular opinion
backed by the authority of religion, and therefore the view of the Oyo-mesi could be
moderated by the Ogboni. Yet, the Basorun as the head of Oyo-mesi was also in a
position to influence the political decisions of both Oyo-mesi and the Ogboni (Stride:
299-300). And most interestingly, there are checks and balances to the power of the
Alafin and the Oyo-mesi, and thus no one is arrogated absolute power.
In another example, in the Ijebu and Egbo Kingdom there was also a similar mechanism
providing checks and balances among the various organs of government. Hence,
occupying the position of Oyo-mesi is the Osugbo (the name for Ogboni among the Ijebu
and Egba Kingdoms) with the Oba (King) who also enjoyed a high level of respect and
power comparable to the
Alafin. Respectively, the Osugbo was the council of society in
the Ijebu and the Egba Kingdoms, and at its periodical sessions the "Osugbo assumed
successively administrative, legislative and judicial roles… [wherein]…it discharged all
the business of society without the King being necessarily in attendance." (Fadipe 1970:
245). However, the King as the head of government referred all business to the Osugbo,
and in turn, the Osugbo had to report to the King on all the business transacted,
juxtaposing the Oba (King) who was considered sufficiently powerful to veto and
override the decisions of his Osugbo, yet like the Alafin, he did not enjoy absolute power.
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Following this further, in Ile-Ife, the spiritual headquarter of the Yoruba, the Ooni was
highly respected and regarded as a powerful being only second to Olodumare, the
Supreme Being, yet as the head of the Kingdom, he did not rule alone, also governed in
council with the traditional chiefs; those on the right hand side who represented the
princely interests and those on the left hand side, representing religious and spiritual
interests. And notwithstanding, the Ooni had the Obalufe, his second in command in
terms of power. And apart from the central governance of Ife Kingdom, there are also
heads of compounds comprises of several extended families (several compounds and
villages made up the Kingdom) who had important political roles to play in social and
political life, although subject to some measures of control from the Ooni-in-council (and
although the Ooni enjoyed power, influence, and respect, he didn't enjoy an absolute
power), and in case an Ooni engaged in any misrule, there were some mechanisms in
place to control the excesses. For example, an Ooni could be asked to open the beaded
crown called "Are", and should that happened, it would signify the need for the Ooni to
commit suicide.
Generally speaking, the Ife Kingdom enjoyed some measure of universal franchise
whereas there was no serious discrimination against women with in regards to the
institution of Obaship, and in fact it was once governed by a female
Ooni named Luwo
Gbagida during the 17th or 19th century. Hence Akinjogbin's record (1980) shows that
between the 10th and the 11th centuries she required the Ife people to adopt clean habits
and worked them so hard that she was forced to vacate the stool. And afterwards, the
populous of Ife decided to not entertain the idea of another female Ooni (Akinjogbin
1980: 124-126). Hence, she was enthroned as Ooni, which involved select administrative
procedures by the Kingmakers under the guidance of the Ifa oracle, and thus whoever
emerged out of the contestants from the ruling houses would pass through rigorous rituals
which under normal circumstances were meant to instil humility and other leadership
qualities in the candidate. And I another case, a descendant of Lajamisan was deposed
and banished to Ife Odan ostensibly for reigning for an extended time and possibly
simple cruelty (Ife history reports that he was deposed for cruelty, while the Ife Odan
account maintains that he was deposed for extending his reigned (Akinjogbin 1980: 126),
again demonstrating that people of Ife reserved the power to change the Ooni if they were
dissatisfied.
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Thus as we continue to look through the accounts of some prominent political Kingdoms
in traditional Yoruba history, we discover that consultation or command went from the
Oba through the chiefs to the citizenry, an arrangement that promoted systematic checks
and balances where each person stood in a defined and generally recognized relationship
to others. And in addition, the power of the Oba was also limited by Eewo wherein '... the
eewo…….. were recounted to him during the ceremonies of his core-society and these
eewo varied from Kingdom to Kingdom, the eewo were designed to curb despotism on
the part of the King and his immediate family, to promote harmony among the different
elements in the town…and to ensure the orderly existence of the people (Akinjogbin
1980: 131)'. Hence in this context, both the King and the citizens have their eewo, which
they must observe, and for each eewo there are penalties because the violation of an eewo
could spell perdition and woe for the entire Kingdom. Consequently, according to
Akinjogbin '... a King who violated an eewo could lose his throne and therefore his
life…. A chief who violated his eewo could lose his title……. The rulers of a Kingdom
would ensure that no town violated its eewo for it was believed that such a violation
could cause the destruction of the town (Akinjogbin 1980: 131)'. And in short, for the
overall development of the society, community, or Kingdom, it was the responsibility of
the King through the citizenry to abide by the recommendation of the eewo who would
ordinarily stand as a relevant spiritual or religious symbol to carry social and political
values regulating the balance of power since the spiritual posture of eewo gave it power
to perform social and political regulatory roles that thus represent a complementary in the
maintenance of checks and balances. In short, there were some means for maintaining the
authority and power of the Oba without creating a despot with limitless power to allow
the system an arrogated power for to the ruler and simultaneously providing a
mechanism for preventing hegemonic excesses.
Democracy in Yoruba Traditional Politico-Cultural Heritage
In reviewing traditional Yoruba social, cultural and political settings, one can easily
assume the presence of some features of democracy. Using Tangwa's view, one can
arguably propose that Yoruba traditional society was a reconciliation of the "autocratic
dictatorship and popular democracy" as traditional Yoruba Kingdoms exhibited a balance
of authority and democracy (Tangwa 1998: 2). Thus many of the important features of
democracy can be located within the traditional Yoruba social, cultural and political
arrangement. For example, while rulers were often referred to as Alase ekeji Orisa
,
(holders of authority, the second-in command to the supernatural being), some features
were in place to diffuse the absoluteness presupposed in reference to the ruler, hence
again there were checks with the structure to balance the power equation on exhibit.
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The Journal of Pan African Studies, vo.1, no.6, December 2006
It is thus incontrovertible that the method of choice of leaders carries some democratic
outlook. The process for choosing leaders portends some lesson in humilities to the
ruler. The humility is required to educate the would-be ruler on the condition of living of
the masses. While the rulers were custodians of the power of the Kingdom, they would
also remember the experiences of becoming rulers. They would remember how among
others like them they were singled out for the offices they held. Beyond this, individuals
were chosen among their equals through some rituals, which again furthered training in
the art of democratic governance.
Another democratic feature traceable to the traditional Yoruba society was that the rules
set for a choice of leaders and governance were clearly recognized by the rulers and the
ruled, and at least, the rulers and the subjects knew that at the departure of an Oba, were
already set with respect to who ascended the throne, with a modality for choosing some
rites. Thus each traditional Yoruba Kingdom had a settled system of ascension after the
demise of an
Oba, already known to the citizens and the potential contestants for the
royal stool. Second, it was democratic to the extent that the rules were strictly followed,
which made it impossible for anyone to impose himself on the society as it ensured that
to become an Oba, both the spiritual and material criteria were observed. And in this
case, the field was open to all eligible candidates who were assumed to have equal access
to the throne, demonstrating to the citizens that they had a voice in determining who
would ascended to the throne, and thus became a ruler.
The above political organization of the traditional Yoruba Kingdoms thus without
a doubt, portrays a participatory democracy. It accommodated the participation of both
the rulers and the ruled; although the Oba was the supreme commander, every cadre of
the society was in various ways included in the operating the Kingdom to the
point that the activities of the Oba-in-council at the societal level were replicated at the
ward and compound levels to indeed establish a participatory democratic process
in traditional Yoruba society. And moreover, the democratic tenets of freedom of
expression, separation of power, and checks and balances are embedded in various forms
in the Yoruba traditional settings. Hence, apart from the separation of power and checks
and balances, citizens also could enjoy the license to express their opinion of the
Oba and
the rulers through songs and other forms of symbolism during various festivals. For
example, during Edi festival in Ife, there are various songs and traditional poetry to either
praise or pass insult onto the ruling Oba, thus, expressing the feelings of the people thus
providing opportunities for citizens to make their feelings known to those who
govern, forming part of the democratic instruments for regulatory purposes.
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The Journal of Pan African Studies, vo.1, no.6, December 2006
These examples of traditional Yoruba society can thus allow one to infer the presence of
some prominent features of democracy and begin to ask '...are these features as described
in the Yoruba traditional social and political arrangements sufficient to infer any form of
democracy no matter how low in sophistication compared to what now obtains?' Hence
the answer to this question cannot be expected to be straightforward because even if
traditional Yoruba society was democratic in structure, it is definitely not the same as the
current form of democracy; and even those regarded as symbols of democracy today
were not always intact, but rather in an evolving stage of true democracy. Thus of interest
here is the question of whether traditional Yoruba society had some rubrics upon which a
modern democratic structure can be built.
In re-tracing our steps we may repeat the question whether the features of the traditional
Yoruba society are sufficient to warrant an ascription of democratic arrangement, and can
we rightly or justifiably claim that the traditional Yoruba pattern of societal arrangement
was actually democratic when we know that its system of governance was monarchical
although at the surface it was the rule of an individual, yet under deeper scrutiny
it revealed an inclusive participatory permissiveness to produce a democratic structure.
Conqueringly in this context we know that the constitutions of the traditional Yoruba
Kingdoms were carefully balanced to allow distributive power among the Oba, the
categories of chiefs, the spiritual and political office holders, as well as, representatives of
different age and professional groups with historical evidence. For example, in the 17th
and 18th centuries, the increase in the power of Alafin and the desire to curtail it by the
Oyo-mesi led to serious tension which led to the continual demand by the Oyo-mesi for
the abdication of Alafin and a later additional demand for the death of the Aremo (the
crown prince) of
Alafin, ending in the killing of some palace chiefs considered loyalists
or associates of the abdicated monarch (Akinjogbin 1980: 137).
At a point, the tension was so high that some monarch had to resort to tactics of filling
such strategic positions with their friends and loyalists to make it impossible for them to
be rid of their power and office. For example, an Alafin in the 1730s used his
constitutional power to appoint Jambu, his friend, as Basorun, although it did not work
out well as the monarch had expected (Akinjogbin 1980: 137). In fact, the demand for
abdication became so rampant that, while some monarchs took their rejections mildly and
committed suicide; some others fought back and had to be met with greater force to be
dislodged (Johnson 1956: 168-177). Thus this raises the question of the sustainability of
the traditional democratic structure of the society, and whether the democratic structure
of traditional Yoruba society would have survived even if it was not truncated by the
advent of colonialism.
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In conclusion, it suffices to claim that the monarchic democracy of the traditional Yoruba
society was full of tension and to some extent lacked an adequate structure to moderate or
resolve the tension generated by the measure to balance the power equation, and although
the system ascribed central and executive power to the
Oba., the roles of the institutions
meant to check the excesses were sometimes weak in the face of the powerful and
immensely influential Oba superstructure within Youruba traditional society.
References
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